目前分類:令人深究的文章 (2)

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歐巴馬(Barack Obama)於2008年3月18日,在費城針對種族問題所做演講
歐巴馬官方網頁原文:http://0rz.tw/b53P0
「我們人民,為建立更完善的聯邦」"We the People, in order to form a more perfect union."
 兩百二十一年以前,在一個如今仍屹立在對街的大廳中,

一群人匯聚一堂,以簡單的文字,推啟了美國這機會渺茫的民主實驗。

跨海逃離暴政與迫害的農夫及學者、政治家及愛國人士們,

終於在那持續了整個1787年春季的費城會議中,實現了他們的獨立宣言。
 他們所提出的文件,後來雖經簽字通過,但最終仍未完成。

它被這國家奴隸制度的原罪所玷污,一個使各殖民地間彼此分歧且讓整個會議陷入僵局的疑點。

直到開國元老們選擇容許奴隸貿易繼續運作至少二十年,而將任何最終解決方案留給將來的世代。
 當然,對奴隸制度疑問的答案早已埋藏在我們的憲法之中。

一部將依法享有平等公民權這理想置於最核心之憲法,

一部承諾人民自由、正義、以及一個可能且應當隨時間獲得進一步完善的聯邦之憲法。
 然而區區羊皮紙上的文字,並不足以助奴隸脫離桎梏;

或是提供每種膚色及信仰的男男女女,身為美國公民的完整權利及義務。

所需要的,是世世代代願意盡一己之力的美國人,透過抗爭與奮鬥、在街頭與法庭上、

透過內戰及公民不服從並且始終冒著極大風險,以縮小理想的承諾與當代的現實間之差距。
 這是我們在這次競選一開始時所提出的任務之一。

為了接續前人的漫長旅途,一個追求更正義、更平等、更自由、更具關懷且更繁榮的美國之旅途。

我選擇在歷史上的此時此刻參選總統,因為我深深相信除非我們共同努力,

否則無法解決我們此刻面臨的各項挑戰。

除非我們為建立一個更完善的聯邦而瞭解到:我們雖懷著不同的故事,但擁有相同的期待;

我們可能外表不同且來自不同的地方,但我們都嚮往朝同一方向邁進,

朝向一個讓我們子子孫孫更美好的未來。
 這份信念,來自於我對美國人民的善良與慷慨不變的堅信。但這也來自於我的美國故事。
 我是來自肯亞的黑人父親與來自坎薩斯州的白人母親的兒子。

扶養我長大的,是曾經歷過大蕭條而在二次大戰時巴頓將軍旗下服役的白人祖父、以及當祖父身在海外時,在利文沃司堡一家轟炸機生產線上工作的白人祖母。

我曾就讀於某些美國最好的學校,也曾在全世界最窮的國家之一生活過。

我所娶的是一位在血脈中流有奴隸與奴隸主血液的美國黑人。

而我也將這份血脈傳承到我兩個寶貴的女兒身上。

在三個大陸上,散步著我屬於每一個種族及每一種膚色的兄弟、姊妹、外甥、外甥女、叔伯與表親。

在有生之年,我將永不忘記,我的故事在地球上任何一個其他國家中,都沒有一丁點可能會發生。
 這個故事並未使我成為最符合傳統的候選人。

但這故事在我基因深處烙印著這理念:這個國家不只是部分的總和,而真正是合眾為一。
 在這次競選的第一年中,出乎所有預料之外,我們看到了美國人民對於團結和諧的渴望。

無視於單純以種族眼光來看我的參選之誘惑,我們在全國最高白人比例的州裡贏得了明確的勝利。

在內戰南方聯盟旗仍舊飄揚的南卡羅來納州,我們建立了非洲裔美國人與白人之間的強力聯盟。
 這並不代表種族在這次競選中並不成為一個問題。

在這次競選的各個階段,有些評論者曾經認為我要要麼「太黑」或是「不夠黑」。

我們看到種族緊張關係在南卡羅來那州初選前一週浮出表面。

媒體搜遍了每一個出口民調,來找尋支持種族兩極化論點的最新證據。

並不僅止於黑白之間,更包含黑色與棕色人種之間。
 然而,一直到最近幾週,這次競選中對種族的討論,才轉入了更引起歧見的彎路。


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1/19快到了   想起了Martin Luther King, Jr

有名的"I Have a Dream"   跟大家分享

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I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

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I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

 

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And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!3

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